Bodyguards

Adedara Oduguwa PhD

It was around 12noon, our gates were locked and over 50 hefty guys carrying AK47 all around our compound. I was afraid of seeing this at the entrance of every flats and gates in our home.

‘What is happening here?’ I asked Janvie (father’s number one domestic staff). ‘
A man called Buruji is having a meeting with Chief. Area Boys are outside, they couldn’t come in, as usual, seeing these guys carrying AK 47.’_ Replied Janvie.
I sat outside, determined to see this man called Kashamu. After about one and a half hour, he came down from father’s apartment, with dad and some other known politicians in the State. They were all accompanying him to his fleet of cars outside the gate. The vehicles were about 25, all latest and luxurious.

Everyone (selected leaders in Ogun PDP) rushes towards his direction to greet and have a handshake with their new political leader. Kashamu has just defeated Chief Olusegun Obasanjo on a lawsuit as to who controls the PDP structure in Ogun State.
As a matter of principle, I don’t like it when people worship ‘money’, ‘power’ or ‘position’. I believe everyone needs to be respected without putting into account their social statuses.

I was the only one remaining on the seat. Buruji looked at my direction and waved. I waved him back. I was fulfilled. He noticed one person didn’t give a damn.
My reason for not standing up is simple, from childhood, I hate eye service, and when I see people worshipping money I feel sad. So when I saw how everyone was trying very hard to get Buruji’s attention, just like it’s, anytime a big politician visits our house, I activated the ‘me’ in me.

Then, the bodyguards moved swiftly with their employer. Buruji like other politicians rained money on everyone around including the area boys outside our gate. Truth be told, Buruji Kashamu was a very humble man and helper of the masses. Anyways that’s not the mission of my write up today.

Immediately his death was announced a few days ago, what came to mind was;
‘ how could death kill Buruji with his many bodyguards? ‘What were they doing when death came? How could they be so weak to protect Buruji from the sword of death? Ah, is it not a waste to keep bodyguards?’

There are times I even counted about 100 people watching over him (Buruji). If you have not learnt anything about the transient nature of life, then you should do so now through the man called Buruji. No matter how powerful you are, you can’t extend your death’s date and time by a second.

In reality, Buruji was not the only culprit in this matter. How can our pastors explain this? Many of them now go around with men who can only guard -the-body and not save the soul! The singular reason that a pastor can’t move around without body-guarders means he doesn’t believe Jesus to be a worthy Jevohal Nissi (protector)!
If you like, use 1000 bodyguards, drive only bulletproof cars and put on 1000 bante (magical traditional clothing, tie across the waist for protection), when it’s your time to go, you will go without a lieu of notice. If death could kill Buruji in the midst of his over 50 hefty bodyguards, then it will kill all of us when it’s time.

My prayer always is, ‘oh death, kill me at the ripe and appointed time with good deeds.’ But as a matter of principle, I don’t want to have anything to do with those who can guard my body and not protect my soul.

Image: Late Buruji Kashamu and some of his bodyguards during an event.

Where is Ogunde?

By Adedara Oduguwa Ph.D.

On Tuesday, February 18, 2020, while on a desk study, I come across this highly disturbing news on the wall of Punch Newspaper: “Reps order 400 exotic cars, reject Nigerian brands.” What! House of Representative members, 360 of them want 400 units of Toyota Camry 2020 (priced between N26.75m and N35.75m for V6 engine-about 6 billion naira) with cost excluding the cost of shipping, import duty which is 70 percent of the net cost and other clearing charges and taxes at the port. This is coming after rejecting Innoson Vehicles Manufacturing, a Nigerian brand based in Nnewi, Anambra State. In a country where 33.5 percent has been estimated as the unemployment rate for 2020 by the National Bureau of Statistics. Leading to concomitant high rate of crimes and criminality, including mass murders, insurgency, militancy, armed robbery, kidnappings, fraud, ritualism, suicide, and drug abuse, among others. By extension, ‘the global poverty capital (World Bank, 2018)’.

Then, I was tempted to ask, “Where is Ogunde? Where is the people’s voice? Where is that Singer that speaks sense to the powers that be?

Many of the millennia might not be well familiar with the name, but for those born in the 50s, 60s, 70s, and early 80s, Hubert Adedeji Ogunde was a colossus whose many works of art queries government officers’ payola, malfeasance, and bungling. Ogunde was jailed several times for standing on the part of his employer-the masses. Born on Monday, 10th of July, 1916 to Mr. Jeremiah Dehinbo Ogunde and Mrs. Eunice Owotunsan Ogunde, in a small ancient town (Ososa) found in the heart of Ijebu province (presently under Odogbolu Local Government), where Sir Frederick Lord Lugard directly supervises one of the strata during the defunct colonial regime. It is home to the delicious ‘Aadun’ (a local bread). Early days of the town featured traditionalists and peaceful serenity. With subsistent farming as a means of livelihood rather than a habit. That son would later grow up to become a teacher, police officer, teetotaler, human rights activist, seer, prophet, folklorist, Nigerian actor, playwright, musician, dancer, dramatist, and a rare nationalist. The 4^th of April 2020 makes it 30 years since he departed this sinful world.

Ogunde was completely fearless and selfless. He was not such a person that would sing or act to please. For instance, in 1944, Ogunde added his voice to the agitation for independence by writing operas that are thought-provoking. The colonial masters were infuriated with such dramas as, Israel in Egypt (1944), Nebuchadnezzar’s Reign and Belshazzar’s Feast (1945), Worse than Crime (1945), Strike and Hunger (1945), Tigre’s Empire (1945), among many similar titles (Clark, 1979). However, for these titles, Ogunde was arrested, jailed, humiliated or intimidated; he earned himself a series of bans for standing for the truth and what is right. An act, which is extremely rare in modern-day Nigeria.

Moreover, Ogunde was an outspoken contemporary political commentator, who was ready to risk the possible destruction of his Theatre in order to fight for the freedom of his people from alien rule. According to an Editorial in Zik’s West African Pilot Newspaper (1947) “Ogunde’s preoccupation with the projection of the cultural as well as the political identity of his people were enough for the nationalist Movement to call him ‘a genius’ who did not seek ‘wealth or fortune’ …nor self-inflation or any other artifice of fame, a genius who was once a poor police officer, perhaps one who shared with three others ‘ten by eight’!! A day came when he sat down, racked his brain, composed nature airs and dramatized them and by 1947, had become ‘Nigeria Theatre King’ … It is the courage to take risks and determination to forge ahead in spite of manmade handicaps. Good luck to Hubert Ogunde.”

While many artists, musicians, writers, clergies, journalists and social commentators of today are working as mouthpieces for government in power and the economic profiteers, artists of the old were majorly into the ‘Complementary Institution’ saddled with the singular responsibility of talking for the people and check-balancing abuse of the rule of laws. Sadly, that role is today bedeviled by the evil of corruption and monetization of the political economy, which has seen the complementary Institution compromised and forcefully whisked into the pit of misrepresentation and shadowy of self-induced greed. Thereby becoming a tool to torment the poor, who themselves look up to be saved by the Complementary Institution.

Today, the narrative has changed, we are no longer in the British colonial regime, we are now under new colonial masters found in egocentric-Nigerians. These egocentric-Nigerians are politicians who continually rule us through the shackles of poverty, insecurity, poor infrastructural facilities, dungeons called roads, darkness called light, and imprisonment called freedom, among many others. Further, these sets of people occupy the biggest offices in Nigeria, from the political office holders to economic bourgeoisies. The institution he left behind is now a shadow of itself. Musicians of today now preach Malianism. A term used to describe people following the doctrine of non-compliance to social norms and ethics. A Malian does not wear a belt, a Malian do not graduate from school, a Malian do not respect elders, a Malian do not marry for love. Musicians and dramatists of today act to please and or act to gain. An opposite of yester -night artists who were truly the people’s voice. They are now tools to illegality, incompetency, mediocrity, and ignorance.

Ogunde in his hail days stood for anything that was just, fair and people-oriented. After Nigeria gained her independence on October 1^st, 1960. Chief Awolowo who was the leader of the Yorubas and outgone Premier of the defunct Western Region was conspired against thereafter, earned Awo 10 years incarceration for an offense called ‘treason’. Awo’s prosecutors were so happy and it was during this period of jubilation that Ogunde and his troupe were invited by the new Western Region government headed by one time best friend of Chief Awolowo (Chief Ladoke Akintola). Chief Ogunde unveilled two plays; Yoruba Ronu (Yoruba Think) and Otito koro (Truth is bitter).

Yoruba Ronu was a prophetic play that lampooned and foretold the political future of Chief Akintola and his coconspirators. In 2017, Adedara Oduguwa translated the Yoruba play into the English language, the except is reproduced below:

“Once upon a time, during the primordial age, there lived a king in Yoruba land named Fiwajoye. This king was so powerful and popular that the people of his kingdom loved him so much. During his time as king, the Yorubas had wealth and riches. There was money, pedigree, jobs for all and sundry. Crops bear good fruits for harvest and plants’ leaves were green. Pets like goat, ship, and hen were in surplus. Traders were making profits. Wealth and power were so much for the Yorubas to the extent that they almost forget God.

There was a Staff in the primordial period called Opa-Ase (Staff of Authority or Staff of Oduduwa). This Staff was a thing of utmost secrecy to the extent that no eyes can see it except Iya-Agba, Yeye-Oloye, and few elders. This Staff is a secret of the power of Yorubas. Because, it is often used to pray for the king and his subjects (the masses) in the Yoruba kingdom for promotion, riches, prosperity, honour, and power. Indeed. It was truly a Staff of Authority. Mass of the people loved Oba Fiwajoye to the extent that Yeye-Oloye brought the Staff of Authority to him so that he can always pray with it. Then, there was a Chief in the land, who is next in command to Oba Fiwajoye. He is popularly referred to as ‘Ekeji-Oye’ (Second in Command). This Chief was not happy with the peaceful state of affairs enjoyed by the Yorubas. He wants the king to be dethroned and be made his replacement.

According to him “You called me Second in Command! You called me with an empty mouth. If they bring yam, it’s the king they will give it to. If they bring Corn, it’s the king they will give it to. If they bring money, it’s the king they will give it to. The king is getting fatter, I am getting thinner! I am not contented with this. I will go and dominate over other lands.”

And so, Ekeji-Oye (Second in Command) became an enemy of the Yorubas. He lied and deceived the Yorubas and he succeeded by changing their minds against Oba Fiwajoye. The kingdom turned into disarray and the land was in deep chaos. Not long from this period, Ekeji-Oye trickily took the Staff of Oduduwa from the palace where it was kept. During the same period, there lived a Queen in a kingdom not far from the Yoruba Kingdom. Her name was Yeye-Iloba. This Yeye-Iloba happened to be one of the greatest enemies of the Yorubas. She was so fearless and powerful. She was not happy with the development going on in Yoruba kingdom. Because in Iloba, there was no money, no jobs, no peace and sicknesses, and diseases almost reduced the kingdom to nothing. Yeye-Iloba was looking for means to fight the Yorubas in order to take them captives. But she doesn’t have a hint as several efforts were in futility. Ekeji-Oye went to the kingdom of Yeye-Iloba and told the Queen that if she can give him a huge amount of money, he is going to sell the Yorubas and delivers them to her. This was a piece of great news and a deal for Yeye-Iloba.

Consequently, this was how Ekeji-Oye (Second in Command) collected a huge amount of money from her and delivered the Staff of Authority or literarily puts ‘ Staff of Oduduwa’ to Yeye-Iloba, so that she can be using it to pray for her kingdom. Thereby selling the Yorubas into the hands of their enemies. If there is no river behind fish, it’s only a river. Without the Staff of Authority, there is no Yoruba Kingdom. However, not long from this period, Yeye-Iloba waged war against Yoruba people and she gallantly won them since they have previously lost the Staff of Authority to her.

Oba Fiwajoye and a few of his people were whisked off Yoruba land under captive of Yeye-Iloba. They were used, maltreated and beaten as slaves. They were turned into messengers and gardeners in the palace of Yeye-Iloba. They were handcuffed and ruthlessly dealt with. House chores like sweeping, washing and cleaning of the palace were a daily routine for the Yorubas under their new foreman (Oba Fiwajoye) in the palace of Yeye-Iloba. Oba Fiwajoye and his people were engulfed with sadness and humiliation. It was so shameful, disgraceful and slave-like that the people of Iloba monger their mockery like hawking pepper. More so, since the king was taken into a captive, the land was in disarray and almost completely destroyed. There was no money, no jobs and the once green leaves were now gray and dark. Corn refused to germinates, traders became debtors and the Yorubas were absolutely in a melancholy state while their prosperity diminishes.

The Yorubas were in a state of sadness and hopelessness. They were on the verge of repentance. They called upon themselves in a united front. They became so united to the extent that they forced Yeye-Iloba to free their king and the other captives. This was successfully achieved. Oba Fiwajoye returned to his stool and things changed completely for good as the Staff of Authority was recouped. Consequently, Ekeji-Oye (Second in Command) was arrested and banished for the act of betrayal. Yorubas also returned to their joyous and peaceful life. Just like what was experienced in the past. Corn starts to grow, traders start to make a profit. Wealth, prosperity and power returned to the land and Oba Fiwajoye became wealthier than before.”_ Culled from the unpublished book Hubert Ogunde: Odyssey of a Renowned Nationalist by Adedara Oduguwa.

Just in the hall of presentation, Chief Akintola and his ministers angrily left the hall; they believed the drama was to ridicule their government. By interpretation, Chief Awolowo was Oba Fiwajoye (who at the time was been jailed for treason), Chief Akintola was Ekeji-Oye (who sold his boss and by extension the Yorubas to slavery) while Yeye-Iloba represents Yoruba enemies. The second day, Chief Akintola’s government put a ban on Ogunde Theater for two years (1964-1966) in the Western Region where 80% of his fans reside. As a result of the ban, no one could buy or play Ogunde’s songs on the radio or at home. It was a turbulent time for the creative actor and father of Nigerian theater. But then, Ogunde’s prophecy came to pass, just two years after the play was first staged. Chief Akintola and 21 other top government officials including Prime Minister Alhaji Tafawa Balewa were gruesomely murdered by the military between 15th and 16^th of January 1966 Coup led by Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and Emmanuel Ifeajuna. Consequently, Chief Awolowo regained his freedom, rose to become the first deputy president under any military regime in African, and also Nigerian Federal Minister of Finance.

After 30 years of Ogunde’s departure, the truth is still much bitter; Yoruba are yet to think; Israelites (Nigerians) are still in Egypt of want, unemployment, bad leadership, insecurity, poverty, diseases, poor infrastructural facilities; Danfo drivers are still on high speed; human parasites are still everywhere; the salaries are still more than crimes; civil servants still strike on hunger and Nigerians are still in the Tigre’s empire.

Ogunde served only his employer (the masses). And in return, made a good fortune from such unconditional giving. With the present incessant killings in Nigeria by the Boko Haram Sects, insensitivity of government officials and the presidency, musicians urge for money and not for message-passing, corruption in the church of God, 33.5 percent unemployed Nigerians (National Bureau of Statistics, 2020), Herdsmen killing innocent farmers, election rigging and manipulations, world’s poverty capital with 87 million people in extreme poverty, compared with India’s 5.3% or 70.6 million, a country of 1.3billion people (Brookings Poverty Capital Report, 2018).

How can there be jobs when musicians do not sing for the people any longer but for their pockets? How can there be peace when clergies do not preach the truth but preach to please? How can there be jobs when public officers are now king Nebuchadnezzar that listens to no opposition? How can we eradicate kidnapping when politicians are ready to pay ransoms? Are the Yorubas not on another train to Iloba? Where is Ogunde the people’s voice?

30 years after Chief Hubert Ogunde transcended into the great beyond, the legend has been immortalised through ‘the Ogunde Living History Museum’ located in Ososa, Ogun State and his humble son, Chief Ayo Ogunde installed as Baba-Oba Gbegande of Ososa, owing to the family’s contributions (i.e. Free Medical Services) to the Ososa Community.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ERINWO: CHIEF KOFOWOROLA ADENUGA DAVID ODUGUWA JP IS GONE!

It is with our saddest regret to announce the passing away of our beloved father and mentor Chief Kofoworola Adenuga David Oduguwa who joined the Saints on Friday 21^st of February 2020.

Chief Kofoworola Oduguwa was born in Lagos on Thursday 9^th of March 1939 to a Lagos-based Merchant Prince David Soyebo Darlington Oduguwa (A.K.A– D.S.D Oduguwa) and Chief Mrs. Gbemisola Oduguwa, with both parents from Isote and Ibido Sagamu.

Kofo as fondly called lost his father three months after his birth, to be specific, on the 5^th of June, 1939 at 5am. Kofo inherited only 6pence (for baby Gel) from his father’s multi-million naira estate. Kofo started fending for himself and his mother at the age of 7. At one point he was hawking water and at another a labourer, firewood seller and houseboy.

He attended AUD Primary School Sagamu, Holy Trinity Anglican School Sokoto, St. Peters Anglican School Minna, St. Michael Anglican School Kaduna, Clerical School Zaria, Manchester School for Salesmanship (Through Correspondent) and Hamburg Engineering School, Berlin.

Professionally, Kofo worked as a Clerk, Ministry of Finance, Kaduna (1957-1959), Assistant Manager, Gordon Woodroffe of London, Lagos (1960-1965), Apprentice Automobile Repair, Western Germany (1965-1966), Filter at British Railway London (1969-1971).

Kofo joined active politics in 1959 as a member (Party-Agent) of the defunct Action Group of Nigeria (AG). He later joined NPN in 1978 and served as its Deputy Chairman of the Party in Ogun State under the leadership of Chief MKO Abiola. Kofo Oduguwa joined NRC in 1992, UNCP in 1995 and a founding member of PDP in 1998. Until his death, he was PDP leading leader in Ogun State.

His motto: Endurance and perseverance’

His Quotes: ‘ Behind success lies, years of hard work, slog and in, some cases headache, before glimmer off, success is achieved’, ‘ what you can get, you don’t buy it’.

Milestone: Kofo built his first house at age 23 in December 1962; was installed the Otun-Balogun of Makun Sagamu in March 1977 at the age of 38; became the Lisa of Ibido in March 1993 at the age of 54; and was installed the Oloritun of Isote Makun Sagamu during the celebration of his 70^th birthday. Also, Kofo was honored with the title of Balogun Ijo Methodist, Soyindo Sagamu due to his many contributions to the Church’s growth.

Until his death, Kofo was a father, grandfather, great-grandfather, mentor, pilot of many destinies, industrialist, farmer, politician, nationalist, community leader, and a humble achiever. Children, grandchildren, great-grandchildren, and wives survived him.

Burial Arrangements will be announced soon.

Announcers

1. Adedara Oduguwa Ph.D., MSc, BSc, FIDP-CRM, FIPMD, ACIPD, ACIMC.
2. Adegbuyi Oduguwa Ph.D in-view, MSc (Bristol)
3. Dr. Adebanke Oduguwa

4. Adesewa Oduguwa
5. Adekoyejo Oduguwa

ORIKI HIGH-CHIEF KOFOWOROLA ADENUGA DAVID ODUGUWA (JP)

Omo Olowu iji lasaku
Omo Isote, omo Asa asewelori
Omo Aboku oloku biribiri
Oku naso Isote abo kenaso
Isote abo
Omo abena ola norio meji
Lisa Ajuwa barago
Omo eluku meden meden ara Iraye
Omo osoro Sagamu
Omo Ologun nta bi oba
Omo Agbenuran wo ran
Omo Odede ogboro
Omo Ojutun abo bi se se
Omo Alakoka ogbara mu gbaramu
Omo Olobi woroko eba ona
Omo Olule ayo ayo
Omo Figbedu sile
Ara Ibido Oke
Omo Elewu ola
Omo Agbodu
Omo Olunla
Omo alagbede ijimiji
Omo Ewusu koilu Akarigbo
Omo Molulubu Batoro
Omo memu memu memu memu mefurin
Omo Erinwole Efon jade
Omo Jigijigi ko se fatu
Omo Agbenu ota gba bi ogede
Omo a won l’oja bi esun isu
Omo ara Offen Legunsen
Omo a ke ki won wo keregbe lona eri
Omo o so imo sile f’owo yele (ye ile)
Omo onen lewu oku, o pa ate owo sile d’oye
Omo Liyan modu Wara petu
Omo nmope rayee, omo o s’oro s’agemo
Omo Owuye asoro so bi oro
Omo Alagemo a bijo wenne wenne wenne
Omo Olupe oku, Omo O’lubi yeye yeye yeye
Omo Otunba Owa mojo-Owa daniyan
Omo a sa won ni poriki poriki ese
Omo a ge le doye
Omo Soyebo Oduguwa ni Akoka, Oduname ni Isote
Omo eni ba Oyinbo n soro
Ara Ake san baale oja, lati imo bido de oke mara ni ona Ibu
Otan kale bi Oyinbo
Oleye Dafidi Kofoworola Adenuga Oduguwa J.P
Otun Balogun Makun (1977)
Lisa Ibido (1993)
Oloritun tile to ko ti Isote (2009)
Balogun Onigbagbo Ijo Methodist Soyindo (2009)
Oloritun tile to ko ti Ajaka (2019)
PDP leading leader since inception

Odi gbere
Odarina ko
Otu di oju ala.

Compiled by:
Adedara Oduguwa Ph.D
Son

BIRTH-EFFECT: TINUBU VERSUS SARAKI

 

Culled from the unpublished book- Zero to Hero: The Birth Effect Argument, by Adedara Oduguwa Ph.D

 

Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu was born to a very influential Lagos woman, one that later became a very prominent market leader in Lagos State and Nigeria. However, the identity of his father was not known. Tinubu was a March baby, widely known for his political prowess. He was first elected a Senator and went on to serve two-term as governor of Lagos State.

 

In contrast, Bukola Saraki was born to a very influential Ilorin family, with his father a former senator and Ilorin-political-godfather. Bukola grew up in the act of politics and expresses it with rare alacrity. While Bukola inherited a political dynasty, Tinubu built one for himself from scratch.

 

Typically, March babies are special people; they are intelligent, diplomatic, generous and kind. These traits gave Asiwaju Tinubu head-on as many political gladiators in Lagos and South-West Nigeria attributed their success to him.

 

Meanwhile, Tinubu is greatly respected by politicians; however, the score of the masses see him from the compass of a corrupt public administrator rather than their hero or messiah. To them, he is a politician who prefers to be enriched through their vulnerability. Of course, this latter argument conforms with this book assertion that March babies can be acquisitive and knavery.

 

Nonetheless, being a good mixer, master-planner, diplomatic, political, friendly personality and generous to fault always exonerate them from these deficiencies.

 

Bukola Saraki, on the other hand, is December born: Usually, these people are the ‘pushed’. They are naturally unambitious, but intelligent, systemic and beautiful inside out. December babies are often tall and goal-getter.

 

Examining the life of Bukola Saraki, one could see a man grossly influenced by his family background. His father, the great Olusola Saraki was a strong man of Ilorin politics, who built a great political dynasty that still, spans today even after his death. For Ilorin Afonja people, it is either the Sarakis or no one else. Since Bukola emergence in the political space as a young man, he has since mastered the political space and was never defeated until in his last contest.

 

Why?

 

Bukola was defeated largely because he didn’t win his previous elections by himself but through strong supporters and campaign managers. December babies are not doers. They are not like March, April, September, October or August babies (the pushers). Yes, they could have ambition occasionally, but when they do, an intermediary must be available to help out.

 

Bukola Saraki could not establish a direct link with the people without an ‘intermediary’. He was defeated the first time in his over twenty-years of occupying the political space. He was totally different from his father in this regards. However, being smart and intelligent helped him to be more successful than his father politically.

 

At 56, he was already two terms Senator, a two-term governor of a state and also a Senate President. In today Nigeria, Bukola is not second to none. He has achieved for himself more political credentials than Bola Tinubu. Of course, the accommodating spirit of March babies made Tinubu build more politicians than Bukola Saraki.

 

While Bukola became a state governor at 41 in 2003, Tinubu became a governor at 47. What played out in Bukola’s case was an established name ‘Saraki’ in Ilorin, Kwara State. His father was a benefactor of the people. He was much loved by the people of Ilorin. Like an idol, they worshipped him. This made it easy for Bukola to be widely accepted.

 

Tinubu came from the dark, his father’s identity is unknown in the political sphere. He was nobody. Son of nobody. Many even called him a bastard during electioneering campaigns. From nowhere, he built his political dynasty. For upwards of over twenty years, he remains undefeated in Lagos State. He masterminded President Muhammadu Buhari’s victory in 2015. Becoming the first opposition leader to help defeat an incumbent. He transfigured the Nigerian political puzzle. For a very long time, this landmark will remain. Bola Ahmed Tinubu, son of nobody created a partway for himself.

 

In addition, these two politicians are achievers. A great one at that. While Bukola Saraki, although born with a silver spoon did not sleep on it, but re-branded it, gave it to goldsmiths to multiply for him by leveraging on his family name to become his father’s lifelong dream ‘Nigerian’s Senate President’.

 

Tinubu was not born even with a spoon, he bought himself a ‘spoon making factory’. In other words, what you become is not entirely dependent on how you are born but largely dependent on what you are doing with your ‘birth realities’. If you believe, you can achieve. Dream but dreaming without action, not enough. Walk the talk and become the best you.

 

What is your view?

Do you think this analysis is correct?

 

Compliment of the season.

GRAND-FATHER OF CORRUPTION AND HIS CHILDREN

By Adedara Oduguwa Ph.D
18/07/2019

What is today known as corruption in Nigeria can be traced to the early days of 1979. Nigerians had high hopes in electing a new leader as promised by the most decent, patriotic and straight-forward military head of state, Brigadier General Murtala Mohamed who was gruesomely murdered on February 13th, 1976 (alongside his Aide-De-Camp, Lieutenant Akintunde Akinsehinwa) by some unruly military boys (led by Lt. Col Buka Suka Dimka) in an unsuccessful Coup d’état and his second in command, General Olusegun Okikiola Aremu Obasanjo fulfilled that promise. Today, score of the people applaud him for that decision. But then, what did he do wrongly?

The 1979 presidential election was keenly contested by Nigeria’s foremost founding fathers. Five major political parties contested the election and by extension in 1983, Nigerian Advance Party (NAP) was added. The party was founded by late Tunji Braithwaite while Prof. Soyinka and Fela Anikulapo Kuti were members. List of 1979 political parties include:

1. Greater Nigerian People’s Party (GNPP)
   2. National Party of Nigeria (NPN)
   3. The Nigerian Peoples Party(NPP)
   4. People’s Redemption Party (PRP)
   5. Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) (Source: Chief Obafemi Awolowo: The Political Moses).

Awolowo Obafemi was the leader and Presidential candidate of Unity Party of Nigeria, Nnamdi Azikiwe became Presidential candidate of the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP), People’s Redemption Party (PRP) was led by Aminu Kano, Greater Nigerian People’s Party (GNPP) was led by Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim who was the genius of NPP’s formation (after being rejected as Presidential candidate and Chairman of NPP went on to establish GNPP) and Shehu Shagari of National Party of Nigeria (NPN). These were the major contenders. Before going into details of the election results, it suffices to remind us that Nigeria was originally amalgamated in 1914 and got her independence on Saturday, October 1st, 1960. It is natural for many to query that history of Nigeria should be traced to the pre-colonial era.

However, for the purpose of this discourse, the writer is only interested in the history of corruption in Nigeria. This article, therefore, will attempt to educate us on the family of corruption; the grandfather, father and children of corruption in the nucleus of Nigeria.

According to a Microsoft dictionary, corruption literarily means ‘lack of integrity or honesty (especially susceptibility to bribery); use of a position of trust for dishonest gain’. In this context, corruption is seen as any form of dishonesty, indecency, deception, brutality, wickedness, tribalism, favouritism, and theft. Additionally, misrepresentation and incompetence qualified to be added to the literature of what corruption truly represents. We need to know that corruption is not limited to stealing money from government, embezzlement and misappropriation but any act of dishonesty, irresponsibility, and or infringement of people’s right.

Back to 1979, the popular musician and activist, Fela Anikulapo Ransome Kuti continually writes songs that exposed stealing in high places. With General Obasanjo as the major culprits. The General ordered for his house (The Kalakuta Republic) to be raised down on February 18, 1977, and in the process, his mother, who happened to also hailed from Abeokuta was thrown down through the window by Obasanjo’s military boys. She eventually died later. The attack was said to be influenced by his new release Zombie, a social satire, which lampooned the Nigerian military regime. One of the lines of the song, in Pidgin English, says, “Zombie no go walk unless you tell am to walk”. That was an act of corruption from General Obasanjo. The very first time such would happen in Nigeria!

The 1979 election was the very first rigged election in Nigeria. The results showed:
1. NPN of Alhaji. Shagari scored 5,668,857 (33.77%) of total vote cast.
2. UPN of Chief Awolowo scored 4,916, 651 (29.18 %) of total vote cast.
3. NPP of Dr. Azikiwe scored 2,822, 523 (16.75 %) of total vote cast.
4. PRP of Alhaji Kano scored 1,732,113 (10.28 %) of total vote cast.
5. GNPP of Alhaji Waziri scored 1,686, 489 (10.02) of total vote cast (Oyediran, 1981).

Interpreting this, the Grade II teacher (Alhaji Shagari) was successfully rigged into power, winning Chief Awolowo with a little over 700,000 votes. Baba Segun went to the tribunal but as it’s the case today, he lost again (since the tribunal is an extension of the ruling class). General Obasanjo’s decision that day was what ‘broke the door of integrity in the electoral body, open door of corruption, ends period of grace and gain in Nigeria.’ He did it just to discredit the best man for the job. A man who was later acknowledged by late Odumegwu Ojukwu as ‘the best president Nigeria never had’ (Chief Obafemi Awolowo). What happened thereafter?

Alhaji Shehu Shagari became Nigeria’s President and ushered Nigeria into corruption. He was the man known for ‘introducing embezzlement and misappropriation into governance’. Need to say that embezzlement and misappropriation are loyal elements of corruption. One politician in the second republic describing this said:

“Shagari’s time was actually the best time for politicians; there was so much to share, the national cake overflowed and everyone had a feel. I think Shagari was overwhelmed by the juice of office, he doesn’t know what to do with it.” _He concluded. I interpreted this statement as a man who didn’t know what to do with resources and was all out misappropriating it!

Eventually, after four years, General Buhari and his boy Tunde Idiagbon used this to hijack power from a democratically elected president. They were not chosen by the people through universal suffrage. They got to power by force, just like their predecessors in the 60s and 70s. They immediately suspended the constitution, human rights, and imprisoned several innocent people. Some of whom bagged 430 years in jail. Buhari/Idiagbon’s (1983-1985) contribution to corruption was ‘violation of human rights’.

Illustrating this, Umaru Dikko a Nigerian Minister of Transport under Alhaji Shehu Shagari was accused of stealing $1billion by Gen. Buhari’s government; he was living in the United Kingdom after Buhari forcefully arrogated power to himself. No doubt, the former minister was one of the most influential members of the cabinet of President Shehu Shagari.

General Buhari had labelled him ‘Nigeria’s most wanted man’ and sent secret agents to the United Kingdom to bring him home to Nigeria for persecution. The plan was to kidnap Dikko, drug him, stick him into a specially made crate and put him on a plane back to Nigeria – alive. Mr. Dikko was eventually captured in the said manner. They got to his private home, injected him, put him in a travelling bag and ready to be parcelled to Nigeria.

Explaining this later to BBC, Mr. Dikko said: “I remember the very violent way in which I was grabbed and hurled into a van, with a huge fellow sitting on my head – and the way in which they immediately put on me handcuffs and chains on my legs…”

Many thanks to the British Customs officer, Charles David Morrow who foiled the exercise. It all happened in 1984 at the Stansted Airport where a Nigeria Airways plane was waiting to freight Dikko. He opened up explaining what transpired:

“The day had gone fairly normally until about 3 pm. Then we had the handling agents come through and say that there was a cargo due to go on a Nigeria Airways 707, but the people delivering it didn’t want it manifested,” Morrow said.

“I went downstairs to see who they were and what was happening. I met a guy who turned out to be a Nigerian diplomat called Mr. Edet. He showed me his passport and said it was diplomatic cargo. Being ignorant of such matters, I asked him what it was, and he told me it was just documents and things.”

“I just put two and two together. The classic customs approach is not to look for the goods, you look for space,” he said.
“So I am looking out of the window and I can see the space which is these two crates, clearly big enough to get a man inside. We’ve got a Nigeria Airways 707, which we don’t normally see. They don’t want the crates manifested, so there would be no record of them having gone through. And there was very little other cargo going on board the aircraft.”_He said.

“If you want to hide a tree, you hide it in the forest. You don’t stick it out in the middle of Essex,” he added.
But any cargo designated as a diplomatic bag is protected by the Vienna Convention from being opened by customs officers. So, Morrow got on the phone to the British Foreign Office.

“To qualify as a ‘diplomatic bag’ they clearly had to be marked with the words ‘Diplomatic Bag’ and they had to be accompanied by an accredited courier with the appropriate documentation.

“It was fair to say they had a Nigerian diplomat – I’d seen his passport – but they didn’t have the right paperwork and they weren’t marked ‘Diplomatic Bag’,” he said.

The decision was taken that the crates could be opened – but it would be done by the book. That required the presence of a Nigerian diplomat, but as Morrow pointed out, one was already on hand. By now, the crates were up on special trolleys ready to be loaded on to the plane.

“Peter, the cargo manager, hit the lid on the bottom and lifted it. And as he lifted it, the Nigerian diplomat, who was standing next to me, took off like a startled rabbit across the tarmac,” Morrow said.

“You have to remember we are on an airfield which is square miles of nothing. He ran about five yards (4.5m), realized no one was chasing him and then stopped. Peter looked into the crate and said: ‘There are bodies inside!’”

He parked a forklift truck so its tines lay across the top of the crate so it couldn’t be opened. Morrow dialled the emergency number 999.

“My name’s Morrow, from Customs at Stansted. We’ve got some bodies in a crate. Do you think you can send someone over,” he recalled saying.

“They said: ‘Alive or Dead?’
“I said: ‘That’s a very good point. I don’t know.’
“They said: ‘We’ll send an ambulance as well.’”
After half an hour, police started to arrive, and they opened the second crate. Inside they found an unconscious Dikko and a very much awake Israeli anaesthetist. Dikko was lying on his back in the corner of the crate.

“He had no shirt on, he had a heart monitor on him, and he had a tube in his throat to keep his airway open. No shoes and socks and handcuffs around his ankles. The Israeli anaesthetist was in there, clearly to keep him alive,” recalled Morrow.

The kidnappers in the other crate were unrepentant. They said Dikko was the biggest crook in the world. The Nigerian intelligence officer and the three Israelis all received prison sentences in the UK. Diplomatic relations between the UK and Nigeria broke down and were only fully restored two years later. Dikko was to later return to Nigeria years later and the allegation against him has never been revisited (Illustration culled from Issue and News Online).

General Buhari (1983-1985) was able to ‘expand the length and breadth of corruption through human rights infringement.’ He succeeded in doing this and not long, General Babangida used this and Nigeria’s poor economy which the Buhari led government plunged the country into an excuse to unseat him and his boys.

General Babangida’s regime (1985-1993) in the history of corruption in Nigeria ‘introduced money-politics and drug trafficking.’ Although his regime was widely acknowledged for the best foreign policy ever in Nigeria, it was Babangida, popularly called IBB or Maradona that actually monetized politics in Nigeria.

Ernest Shonekan (26 August 1993 – 17 November 1993) came in and waited for the next decision to be made for him. He was naïve and rarely ready for governance. He was reportedly working on a time-table to reposition Nigeria to democracy when his own Secretary of Defense and ‘gentleman’, General Sani Abacha overthrew him. All which were shortly after the June 12 election won by Bashorun MKO Abiola was annulled. Shonekan’s regime was referred to as ‘interim’ and that is the best way to describe it. He had only spent some 83 days as Nigeria’s President.

Then came the General of all Generals, General Sanni Abacha (1993-1998). He expanded on General Buhari’s brutality by adding instant killing and expanded the already established human rights abuses by his predecessors to corruption. He had issued a decree that gave his government absolute power and immunity to prosecution shortly after gotten to power. Abacha was involved in the 1966 counter-coup, the 1983 military coup as well as the 1985 coup, and he led the 1993 military coup against the interim government. Abacha’s military legacy is one of successful coup attempts. It should also be on record that almost all Nigerian past head-of-states have served under almost all their predecessors (as ministers, governors, chief of staff among others). One of the notable examples from many on Abacha brutality was the killing of the popular environmental activist, one of the finest Nigerian ever, Ken Saro-Wiwa. What happened in Ken Saro-Wiwa’s case?

“On 21 May 1994 four Ogoni chiefs were brutally murdered. Saro-Wiwa had been denied entry to Ogoniland on the day of the murders, but he was arrested and accused of incitement to them. He denied the charges but was imprisoned for over a year before being found guilty and sentenced to death by a specially convened tribunal. The same happened to eight other MOSOP leaders who, along with Saro-Wiwa, became known as the Ogoni Nine (Pilkington, 2009).

Some of the defendants’ lawyers resigned in protest against the alleged rigging of the trial by the Abacha regime. The resignations left the defendants to their own means against the tribunal, which continued to bring witnesses to testify against Saro-Wiwa and his peers. Many of these supposed witnesses later admitted that they had been bribed by the Nigerian government to support the criminal allegations. At least two witnesses who testified that Saro-Wiwa was involved in the murders of the Ogoni elders later recanted, stating that they had been bribed with money and offers of jobs with Shell to give false testimony, in the presence of Shell’s lawyer (Entine, 2009).

On 10 November 1995, Saro-Wiwa and the rest of the Ogoni Nine were taken from the army base where they were being held to prison in Port Harcourt and executed by hanging by a team of executioners flown in from Sokoto. They were executed one by one, with Saro-Wiwa being the first. It took five tries to execute Saro-Wiwa. His last words were “Lord take my soul, but the struggle continues.” After the executions, the bodies were taken to the Port Harcourt Cemetery under armed guard and buried.”_ Culled from Wikipedia, 2019. Today, Ogoni people still suffer the same faith in environmental degradation. Nothing really has changed. I hope Ogoni Nine didn’t die in vain.

I remembered vividly the day General Abacha’s death was announced in Abuja (8 June 1998), as a secondary school student, the entire community was filled with lots of happiness. It was like the day Nigeria won the Atlanta 1996 Match. Wow! It was celebrated in unity! How can people be so happy for losing their president?

Then, General AA- Abdulsalami Abubakar (1998-1999) came into the scene to restore democracy in Nigeria. He had accepted the leadership of Nigeria reluctantly. Shortly after he was sworn in, Abubakar promised to hold general elections and step down as leader of Nigeria within one year, he did. Nonetheless, he was compensated for this, and allowed to expand corruption by taking it to the next level. He successfully expanded embezzlement, looting and also helped to rigged Obasanjo back into power. But then, he should be celebrated for at least keeping to his words.

Obasanjo assumed office for the second time in 1999. He immediately introduced more political parties in order to weaken the opposition. He tipped another corrupt agent in Maurice Iwu (Nigerian INEC Chairman). Who successfully introduced what I referred to in my 2012 publication as ‘Maurice Iwu Mathematical Theorem of party division’. 30 political parties were introduced as against the two-party system in1999. Of course, they called it ‘multi-party system’, which in practical terms means ‘single’ or ‘one-party system’. Through which Mr. Obasanjo succeeded in retaining the stool of leadership. Elections were continuously rigged and written rather than counted (the same method Mr. Buhari is using today).

Obasanjo tried third term agenda but was successfully stopped by his much ambitious vice (Mr. Atiku Abubakar), a reason he was against his presidential bid for years. Then, after the bid failed, Obasanjo (1999-2007) who had successfully expanded doors of corruption corruptly picked a very sick but honest man to succeed him with the hope that his main choice (Jonathan) would succeed him.
Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’dua (2007-2010) came into the chessboard and as calculated, he died in office. Like Murtala Mohammed, Umaru was a man of integrity. Consequently, Mr. Jonathan, another clueless but kind-hearted man took over power.

For Jonathan (2010-2015), Nigeria was a learning curve. He meant well but his hands were closely tied. He was eventually used to expand the caliphate of digital corruption, better put, ‘modern looting ATM’. Sooner, Nigeria complementary institutions unanimously raised their voice and rejected the PDP rule. Anything should be elected other than PDP. Their prayer was answered with another disaster. Worse than the one ever witnessed and anticipated.

General Buhari was elected again. This time, he added to the history of corruption, a conglomerate of elements; incompetence, favouritism, tribalism, brutality, abuse of human rights, theft and ignoring the rule of law. Gen. Buhari became the first Nigerian President that lived in exile for more than necessary on medical tourism and even at that, couldn’t declare a state of emergency on health. At a point, a snake swallowed millions under his watch, at another point; it was Gorilla that swallowed government’s funds. Nigeria corruption rating increased sporadically for a man that claimed to be fighting corruption. His first term (2015-2019) was an implausible disaster.

However, in 2019, Nigerians became tired of this history of corruption, while some Nigerians want a drastic change in our political system by voting for new political breeds, some; especially those who are politically inclined declined but agreed that change should be procedural and gradual. They supported Atiku Abubakar of PDP not because he was a saint, but because of the conviction that Nigeria’s problem is not going to disappear if the country is not restructured. Atiku agreed to do this. They were also of the conviction that Nigerians are not ready for new breeds of political officers. What happened, the major new political breeds on the aggregate were unable to earn 100,000 votes cumulatively as many already collected 100 million each from the incumbent. INEC was again bought by the ruling party (APC). General Buhari acquired the legislature, executive and the judiciary. Under the new regime, only a fool will go to court against him or his loyalist.

Let’s say Dr. Obasanjo didn’t rig the 1979 election to favour Alhaji Shagari; he didn’t turn Operation Feed the Nation to Ota Farm, he didn’t loot billions of our money, he didn’t pollute party system by creating 52 political parties out of the opposition party (Alliance for Democracy- AD), he didn’t ask Prof. Iwu to rig elections in his favour, he didn’t wipe-out Odi community, he didn’t give us clueless and incompetent people to cover his deficiencies, and he didn’t bid for the third term, maybe Nigeria won’t be where she is today. It is then not out of point to call him Nigerian Grand-Father of Corruption or better put, Doctor of Corruption (DoC). Obasanjo is the source of corruption in Nigeria just as Ile-Ife is the source of mankind.

More so, Shehu Shagari and Buhari are the fathers of corruption while all others are the children of corruption. Until we stop revolving our politics around this family of corruption, Nigeria will continue to suffer similar heartbreak.

What exactly is then our offence?
And who would rescue us from the profiteers, who have turned Nigeria into a stock market?
I am Adedara Oduguwa, the man that writes for his conscience.

Photo Credit: businessdayonline.com
Source: Depositphotos

REMO VS IJEBU: M.H. MARTINDALE INQUIRY REPORT 1937 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

TERMS OF REFERENCE

PART I

TO EXAMINE CERTAIN PETITIONS FROM THE AKARIGBO OF IJEBU REMO, PROTESTING AGAINST THE DECISION OF GOVERNMENT IN 1917, WHEREBY ON THE FORMATION OF THE IJEBU NATIVE ADMINISTRATION, THE SAID AKARIGBO BY GAZETTE NOTICE NO. 104 OF 13TH SEPTEMBER, 1917, WAS APPOINTED A NATIVE AUTHORITY SUBJECT TO THE AWUJALE OF IJEBU ODE.

The following petitions are those in reference:-

(a) The petition of the 7th of June, 1922, addressed to the Governor of Nigeria by the Akarigbo, Chiefs and people of Ijebu Remo.

(b) The petition of the 9th of June, 1933, addressed to the Governor of Nigeria (His Excellency, Sir Donald Cameron) by the Akarigbo and certain Chiefs of Ijebu Remo.

(c) The petition of the 26th of June, 1933, addressed to his Excellency, the Governor of Nigeria, by the Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo.

(d) The petition of the 16th of January, 1936, addressed to the Honourable the Chief Secretary to the Government by Sir William N.M. Geary, Solicitor for the Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo.

The salient points of these petitions may be summarized as follows:-

1. By the Treaty (Proclamation) of the 9th (12th) November, 1894, the Ijebu Remo Territory was included in the Protectorate of the Colony of Lagos.
2. The people of Ijebu Remo were granted the advantages of Supreme Court jurisdiction, of resident District and Medical Officers and of a District Court, Prison, Hospital and District Police Detachment at Shagamu.
3. They were then satisfied with their condition, but in 1914, upon representations being made that they would receive a greater measure of local independence and upon the further inducements being held out to them that a District Officer would continue to be stationed at Shagamu, a new prison erected, a local Treasury established and the road system extended to provide direct communications with Lagos and Ibadan if they accepted Indirect Rule; they consented to the condition precedent, namely that of amalgamation with the then Ijebu Ode Divisions.
4. The incorporated took place but proved unsatisfactory to the people of Ijebu Remo, who in 1915, petitioned for return to the Colony of Lagos, or for the formation of an independent Native Administration.
5. The reply was received that the experiment should be given a fair trial, with the result that no further petitions were put forward over a period of years.
6. Thereafter Government failed to implement the promises, to which reference is made at paragraph 3 above, raising the plea of insufficiency of the necessary funds, wherefore in 1918, direct taxation was voluntarily accepted by the people of Ijebu Remo. Even so, the benefits in question were still withheld.
7. In view of the fact that the Akarigbo of ljebu Remo migrated from Ile Ife, as a Crowned Head, and that his descendants form the nucleus of the Remo District to this day, there is no historical sanction for the subordination of the Akarigbo of ljebu Remo to the Awujale of Ijebu Ode, which was effected on the formation of the Ijebu Native Administration by Gazette Notice No.1 04 of the 13th September, 1917.
8. Furthermore, it is evident, in this regard, that Government in 1894 then realized and accepted the fact that Ijebu Remo and Ijebu Ode were national entities, of which the separate agreements entered into by Government, one within a few days of the other with the Awujale and the Akarigbo, respectively, are complete proof.
9. Again, it is contended that the agreement of the 4th of August, 1894, implemented as it was by the Proclamation of the 12 November, 1894, whereby Ijebu Remo was included in the Protectorate, should not be abrogated without full consent, failing which the Akarigbo’s claim for independence and separation from Ijebu Ode would appear to be legitimate and warranted.
10. Also, the Government, having availed itself of the Agreement, concluded with the Akarigbo on the 4th Day of August, 1894, for the cession of Ikorodu, cannot now repudiate the Agreement in respect of the remainder of the Ijebu Remo territory, of which Ikorodu once formed a part.
11. In regard to the claim for the institution of a separate Remo Native Administration, it is a fact that the annual revenue of the Remo District compares very favourably with that of a number of the smaller Native Administrations. It is accordingly prayed:-

(a) That Ijebu Remo be constituted a separate Native Administration, to be known as the Remo Native Administration, with the Akarigbo as its head, and Headquarters at Shagamu and that the benefits detailed above namely:- that District and Medical officers again be stationed at Shagamu, that a Hospital, Treasury and Prison be erected and that the road system be extended to provide direct communications from Shagamu to Lagos and Ibadan, or alternatively;

(b) That Ijebu Remo be re-incorporated in the Colony with the original rights and privileges enjoyed by it from 1894 to 1914.

12. Comment upon the petitions is included in the recommendations put forward under part III of the Terms of Reference.

TERMS OF REFERENCE

PART II

TO ENQUIRE INTO AND DETERMINE THE POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE RELATIONS WHICH EXISTED BETWEEN THE AWUJALE OF IJEBU ODE AND THE AKARIGBO OF IJEBU REMO, PRIOR TO THE AGREEMENT MADE ON THE 4TH DAY OF AUGUST, 1894, BETWEEN THE GOVERNOR OF THE COLONY OF LAGOS AND THE THEN AKARIGBO OF IJEBU REMO, WHEREBY THE IJEBU REMO TERRITORY WAS INCLUDED IN THE PROTECTORATE AND THE EXTENT TO WHICH THOSE RELATIONS WERE MODIFIED, IF AT ALL, BY THAT AGREEMENT.

1. The Remo territory of the Ijebu Province covers an area of approximately 530 square miles, and is bounded on the North and East by the Abeokuta Province and on the South by the Ikorodu District of the Colony of Lagos, and on the West by the remainder of the Ijebu Province.
2. The Remo represents one of the earliest waves of Yoruba migration, of which, having reference to the Ijebu peoples only, the Ijebu Ode was the first, the Remo the second, and the Igbo the third. This inquiry has no concern with the Igbo migration.
3. The Remo area now contains eleven principal village groups or areas, of which the largest, Shagamu, consists of twelve villages which combined for defence in 1872, the remainder of the original thirty-three villages having been destroyed in the war.
4. Of the principal Remo Village Groups, eight, namely Ilishan, Ilara, Irolu, Ikenne, Akaka, Ipara, the majority of the people of Ode Remo, and with the exception of the Makun quarter, the whole of Shagamu, migrated in 1,000 B.C, under the aegis of the Akarigbo from Ile Ife, via Benin, to the district which they now occupy, while the remainder, the peoples of Iperu, Ogere, Ishara and Makun derive from Ijebu Ode; their predecessors likewise having migrated from Ile Ife but under the leadership of the Awujale.
5. The former category has always accepted the suzerainty of the Akarigbo, whilst the latter subsequently threw in its lot with Ijebu Remo, and recognized the paramountcy of the Akarigbo over the territory on which it had settled, but did not entirely shed its traditional recognition of the Awujale’s titular authority.
6. It should here be added that the minority of the Village Group of Ode Remo, in a similar degree recognized the Awujale.
7. It is accepted that both the Awujale and the Akarigbo are directly descended from ODUDUWA, the mythical progenitor of every Yoruba tribe and that each had been created an OBA or “Crowned Head”, prior to the migration from Ile Ife. It is to this fact that each owns his paramountcy in his respective district, in regard to which, however, there is ample evidence that the outlying villages of their territories enjoyed a large measure of independence.
8. It is also established that the relationship between the Awujale and the Akarigbo has always been that of “Elder to Younger brother”, which description has been interpreted and defined among the Yoruba races as denoting mutual independence.
9. It was not, however, until the series of conflicts culminating in the Makun War of 1862, and the combination of the twelve villages, including the remnants of Makun, at Shagamu, that the immediate authority of the Akarigbo over the Ijebu Ode migrants was established.
10. During the period from the Makun War up to the British Occupation in 1894, despite the fact that the Akarigbo exercised temporal power throughout Remo, the Awujale was accepted as being the spiritual head of all the Ijebu clans, including that of Remo.
11. Major undertakings might not succeed without his blessing which was usually obtained prior to the opening of markets, the installation of titled chiefs and the like.
12. Again, despite the fact the Balogun or War Chief of Remo could not take the field without the sanction of the Akarigbo, it is significant that on no occasion did the Akarigbo institute hostilities directed against the Awujale. It is evident that such an undertaking, by reason of the spiritual attributes of the Awujale, would have been inconceivable.
13. Evidence is not lacking that the Awujale, on occasion, attempted to reassert direct authority over the Ijebu Ode migrants, and subsequently to the British occupation of Ijebu Ode in 1892, to impose his suzerainty over the Remo village of Ikenne, but that whatever temporal power, apart from mere titular recognition, he may have possessed, prior to the Makun War and the founding of Shagamu, it ceased to exist thereafter, and prior to the date in issue, the 4th of August, 1894.
14. Finally, it is to be observed that neither the Awujale nor the Akarigbo, at any period in issue, prior to the British occupation, exercised other than the simulacrum of autocratic authority. Each was a figurehead ruled by his chiefs and entourage. It should, in this connection, be mentioned that reference herein, either to the Awujale or the Akarigbo is to each in his capacity as the representative of his respective district, or is not to the individual.
15. Subsequently, on the 4th of August, 1894, such political and administrative relations ceased as had previously existed between the Awujale and the Akarigbo.

TO SUM UP

– The Political and administrative relations which existed between the Awujale of Ijebu Ode and the Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo, prior to the agreement made on the 4th of August, 1894, between the Governor of the Colony of Lagos, and the then Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo, whereby the Ijebu Remo territory was included in the Protectorate, are found to have been as in stated hereunder:-

1. The Political relationship of “Younger to Elder Brother” existed as between the Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo and the Awujale of Ijebu Ode.
2. This relationship among the Yoruba tribes ordinarily denotes complete political independence.
3. In this instance, however, the status of the Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo was qualified (but in no other respect) by the fact that the Awujale of Ijebu Ode was the accepted spiritual head of Ijebu Remo, and of the remainder of the Ijebu territory, and that, in consequence, the Akarigbo could not institute hostilities against the Awujale, and thus lacked full political independence of the Awujale.
4. No other political relationship existed at the material epoch between the Awujale and the Akarigbo than that referred to above.
5. As to the relevant administrative relations in issue, it is found that such temporal authority over the Ijebu Remo territory as had been vested in the Awujale of Ijebu Ode prior to the founding of Shagamu, in 1872, as apart from the titular recognition accorded to him by the Ijebu Ode migrants, thereafter ceased to exist, despite the fact that the Awujale continued to assert to the contrary.

The Awujale did not, however, cease from rendering spiritual aid, by way of propitiation and of invocation, in so far as it was sought for by the people of Ijebu Remo. The extent to which the political and administrative relations in issue were modified by the Agreement in reference is found to be:-

(1) The original prohibition in regard to the waging of war by the Akarigbo against the Awujale was implemented by the second clause of the Agreement and the political relationship of the former to the latter, that of “Younger to Elder Brother, the sole remaining political tie, was wholly interrupted.

(2) As to the administrative relationship. The Awujale abandoned all claim to temporal control over any portion of the Ijebu Remo territory. The recognition of his nominal suzerainty over the Ijebu Ode migrants was lost, but the Awujale continued, to a minor extent, to exercise his spiritual functions within the Ijebu Remo territory.

TERMS OF REFERENCE

PART III

TO RECOMMEND WHETHER THE ADMINISTRATIVE ARRANGEMENTS BASED ON THE DECISION OF GOVERNMENT IN 1917 SHOULD BE MAINTAINED, OR ALTERNATIVELY, WHAT ALTERATIONS SHOULD BE MADE.

1. The amalgamation of Northern and Southern Nigeria was affected in 1914, and the Northern System of Indirect Rule imposed in respect of Ijebu Remo.
2. This method did not, however, correspond with, provide for or apply to relevant tribal tradition and usage, which had, prior to the inclusion of the Ijebu Remo territory within the Colony of Lagos, regulated its social organisation.
3. In 1917, in accordance with the principles of the Northern System of Indirect Rule, Ijebu Remo, which, prior to British occupation had been an independent state, was, by the subordination of the Akarigbo to the Awujale, reduced to the status of a dependency of Ijebu Ode.
4. From the first, Ijebu Remo has protested (and had continued to protest), against inclusion in the Ijebu Native Administration, which (inclusion) naturally enough, was welcomed by Ijebu Ode.
5. Ijebu Ode has materially benefited by this incorporation, at the expense of Ijebu Remo.
6. In this regard, it will suffice to quote the following extract from Mr. H.F.M. white’s the (then Resident of the Ijebu Province,) letter of the 15th of July, 1922, the whole of which has been put in evidence, addressed to the Secretary, Southern Provinces, in which he submitted the following observations upon the petition of the Akarigbo and Chiefs of Ijebu Remo, dated the 7th of June, 1922:-

“5. Para 8 and 9 – Revenue figures for Ijebu Remo for the year 1921-22 are, tax: £3,209; Native Courts and other receipts £1,900; expenditure: £1,984. It will thus be seen that the expenditure is hardly in proportion to the revenue, and the same applies to previous years. The only Capital Work that has been undertaken for Remo during recent years is the erection of a slaughter house at Shagamu in 1920 at a cost of £170. £2,500 was inserted in last year’s estimates for the construction of road from Iperu on the ljebu Ode-Abeokuta Road to Shagamu and ultimately to Lagos. As the Public Works Department was unable to commence this work last year, £5,000 has been allocated to it in this year’s estimates. A large section of this road will pass through the Remo district, which will benefit accordingly. On the other hand, this road will also be of advantage to ljebu Ode and other parts of the Province.

“7. (d) The Shagamu-Lagos Road is to be commenced this year. A direct road from Shagamu to Ibadan, following the trade route from lbadan to Ikorodu, has not yet been considered. “9. Before dealing with the suggestions put forward in paragraph 14, I think the following question should be considered: – ‘Has ljebu Remo received a fair return in proportion to its contributions to the general revenue of the Native Administration?’ To this question, I do not see that an affirmative answer can honestly be given. On the other hand, the same objections might be made with equal and perhaps more force by the people of other districts in the Province. I believe that the present policy is to devote funds available for expenditure to works, which it is considered are most needed in the Province, and it follows from this that all districts cannot receive equal attention at the same time. It also follows that the town of ljebu Ode benefits to a larger extent than any other town. An excellent example of this policy is the proposal to spend the whole of the Native Administration invested funds on the installation of water supply for Ijebu Ode Town. If the people living outside Ijebu Ode were sufficiently intelligent to take an active interest in their own administration would they not be likely to protest, and with some reason, against such a proposal? “Para. 14.

Two remedies are here put forward:

(1), A separate administration for Ijebu Remo;

(2), Incorporation in the Colony. I do not imagine that (2) will be considered. “12.

The complaint of the petitioners might be met to some extent by taking the claims of Ijebu Remo more fully into account, in preparing the Native Administration Estimates for 1923-24 and future years. The Akarigbo should be invited to make proposals for the improvement of his district and these proposals should receive the fullest consideration. In apportioning the funds available for expenditure on ‘works’, I suggest that the guiding principle should be equal treatment to all districts in proportion to their contributions to the general revenue, so far as this principle is consistent with the general advancement of the Ijebu country. If this method is adopted and faithfully adhered to, I do not see that the people of Ijebu Remo can have any reasonable causes to complain in the future.

7. It is not considered that Mr. White’s policy of “equal treatment to all districts in proportion to their contributions to the general revenue in so far as this principle is consistent with the general advancement of the Ijebu country” has been sufficiently served, for it is to be noted that the only “major (capital) work” undertaken by the Native Administration in Ijebu Remo, would appear to have been the erection of the Akarigbo’s Palace at a cost of £1,100, whereas “major works”, costing in the aggregate of £24,240, would appear to have been effected at Ijebu Ode.

8. In the past twenty years, the practice has been followed of paying the whole of the yearly balances (less local expenditure) accruing from revenue derived in the Ijebu Remo territory, into the Ijebu Native Administration Treasury, at Ijebu Ode.

9. The aggregate of the sums thus contributed, though no record is maintained in this specific regard, is obviously substantial. It will be noted, in this connection, that it is shown at paragraph 5 of Mr. White’s letter in reference, that the Ijebu Remo balance for the year 1921-22 was £3,125, out of gross revenue of £5,109, and that Mr. White stated:-

“The expenditure is hardly in proportion to the revenue and the same applies to the previous years.” The contributions which were observed to have been made for the year 1931-37, in respect of which years the relevant balance sheets have been put in evidence are as follows:-

Contribution to      Year               Remo       Ijebu Treasury

                                1931-32        £6,258             £2,133

                                1932-33         £5,842            £1,653

                                1933-34          £5,086            £1,430

                                1934-35          £5,081            £1,610

                                1935-36         £5,158             £1,122

                                1936-37         £5,537             £1,202

10. Without aid from the source indicated above, it is doubtful whether the relatively high salaries paid to the Ijebu Ode Chiefs could have been maintained.

11. It is to be noted, in this regard, that apart from the Awujale who receives a salary of £1,700 per annum, as compared with the stipend of £600 per annum, paid to the Akarigbo, six Ijebu Ode Chiefs receive salaries of over £150 per annum, four Ijebu Ode Chiefs receive stipends of £ 100 per annum, or over, whereas no Ijebu Remo Chief, other than the Akarigbo, receives a stipend of or in excess of £100 per annum and only two receive salaries in excess of £50 per annum.
12. It is, however, to be added in this connection that a proportion of the funds, in reference, have been applied to items of overhead expenditure, incurred on behalf of Ijebu Remo, though it is to be observed that the benefits enjoyed by Ijebu Remo in respect of central expenditure under the Medical, Sanitary, Education, Prison and Police Heads are not substantial.
13. It is also to be noted that proposals are on foot to install water supply systems at Iperu and Shagamu, both within the Ijebu Remo Area, at an aggregate cost of £9,500.
14. Much emphasis has been laid by the petitioners upon the contention that they have received an insufficient measure of control in respect of the disbursement of their revenues, which is effected by the Ijebu Council, acting in accordance with the advice of the Resident.
15. There is some truth in this submission, for apart from consultations which doubtless have taken place between the Resident and the Akarigbo, the representation of Ijebu Remo interests on the Ijebu Council is negligible.

16.The subordination of Ijebu Remo to Ijebu Ode has been further extended by the grant of appellate jurisdiction to the Ijebu Judicial Council (to which tribunal, the sole Ijebu Remo representative to be appointed is the Akarigbo, who, for political reasons does not attend), in respect of all appeals (other than causes relating to land) from the Native Courts of the Ijebu Remo Territory.

17.Apart from the considerations indicated above, it is submitted that the existence of the Agreement of the 4th of August, 1894, whereby the Ijebu Remo Territory was included in the Protectorate, lends added weight to the view, now expressed that the administrative arrangements, based on the decision of Government in 1917, should not be maintained.

18. It is evident that at the time when the agreement in reference was signed, the Akarigbo of ljebu Remo had established his claim to independence, and, in this regard, it is to be observed that, thereafter, this claim was repeatedly accorded further recognition.
19. In this connection, it is to be recorded that on the 23rd of March, 1914, the Honourable Mr. J. Watt, the Secretary, Southern Provinces, in response to representations made by the Akarigbo, replied that the inclusion of ljebu Remo in the Ijebu Division would not involve their subordination to Ijebu Ode, or the trial of their cases there.
20. Mr. Watt added that in the arrangements to be made for the administration of the Ijebu Remo County, their interests would be duly considered.
21. It is therefore submitted that reversion to the Agreement in reference, the purport of which is defined by the pronouncement recited in paragraphs 19 and 20 above, is equitable, expedient and practicable.
22. Equitable, in that the view is held that without abrogation fully and freely assented to, which consent has not been obtained, the Agreement, implemented as it is by the Proclamation of the 12th of November, 1894, should be regarded as binding.
23. Expedient, as indicating a constitutional means of rectifying the genuine and well-founded grievances of the Ijebu Remo people.
24. And practicable, in that a natural and undistorted interpretation of and application of the terms of the Agreement, in reference, will result in exact accordance with the true and accepted principles of Native Administration.
25. In this latter regard, importance is attached to the definition of the word independence”, as propounded by Mr. Wells- Palmer at the Commission of Inquiry? On behalf of his client the Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo; quoted hereunder:-

“The Akarigbo’s demands are that he be permitted to retain his ancient rights and privileges, in accordance with Native Law and Custom, as a Protectorate under British Sovereignty.

26. Consideration should also be accorded to the advisability of affording scope for an expression of a concrete recognition of the strong tie of sentiment, which exists between the people of Ijebu Remo and the Awujale of Ijebu Ode, by reason of his priestly and spiritual attributes. (Paragraphs 37 and 38 refer).
27. As stated above, it is not held that the administrative arrangements based on the decision of Government should be maintained and in the alternative, the alterations indicated hereunder, are submitted for consideration.
28. It is recommended that the Akarigbo of ljebu Remo in Council should be constituted, in accordance with the provision of Section 3 (b), of the Native Authority Ordinance No. 43 of 1933, the Native Authority for the Ijebu Remo Territory, that the Ijebu Remo Native Authority in respect, either of the Internal administration of the Ijebu Remo Area, or of the appointment of African personnel within that area, that it should act in consultation with and in accordance with the advice of the Resident of the Ijebu Province, who should attend the Sessions of the Council, and that the Council should convene at Shagamu.
29. It is suggested that the Native Authority, in reference, should consist of the Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo, (President of the Council), the Alaiye Ode of Ode Remo, the Alaperu of Iperu, the Alakene of Ikenne, the Onipara of Ipara, the Odemo of lshara, the Ologere of Ogere, the Alalishan of Ilishan, the Ewusi of the Makun Quarter of Shagamu, the Onirolu of lrolu, the Lemo of Ogijo, the Alakaka of Akaka, the Alara of Ilara, the Elepe of the Epe Quarter of Shagamu, the Elemuren of Emuren; and that in all, but inclusive of the above named, sixty-four representatives, from the following village areas, should be appointed to the Council:- Shagamu 4 12 representatives (of whom four in all should be Selected from the Makun Quarter). lperu 6 6 representatives, lshara 1 6 representatives, Ode Remo 4 6 representatives, lkenne – 6 representatives, llishan 6 6 representatives, Ogere 5 6 representatives, Ipara – 4 representatives, lrolu – 4 representatives, Akaka, 1 4 representatives, Ilara – 4 representatives.

The appointment of the Elemuren of Emuren is subject to the abrogation of the Agreement referred to in paragraph 60 below.

30. The large number proposed, is advocated with a view to the absorption of the existing but legally unauthorized “Advisory Board” and to afford means of representation to the younger and literate members of the community.
31. It is anticipated that in the near future, in place of the present arrangement, in which the Awujale is the sole Native Authority of the Ijebu Province, (who is also guided by an unauthorized Advisory Board), the Awujale of Ijebu Ode in Council will be constituted a Native Authority. When effected, it is advocated that the Ijebu Ode and Ijebu Remo Councils should be combined to constitute a Superior Native Authority, with the Awujale as President and the Akarigbo as Vice- President thereof, thus embodying the “Elder to Younger Brother” relationship.

32.The Joint Council should convene for the purpose of determining matters of policy affecting Ijebu interests generally, but should not concern itself in respect of the internal affairs, either of Ijebu Ode, or of Ijebu Remo.

33. The meetings should be held at Ijebu Ode, but the attendance of the Councilors should be voluntary, and recurrence of incidents such as that of the punishment of the Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo, in 1924, by the then existing Ijebu Council should be avoided.
34. It is further recommended that an Ijebu Remo Native Court of Appeal, or Judicial Council, should be constituted, with the Akarigbo as President, and the following as members:-

The Alaiye-ode of Ode Remo. The Alaperu of Iperu.The Alakene of Ikenne. The Onipara of Ipara.The Odemo of Ishara.The Ologere of Ogere.The Alalishan of Ilishan. The Ewusi of Makun.The Onirolu of lrolu. The Lemo of Ogijo.The Alakaka of Akaka.The Alara of llara. The Elepe Epe.

The Akarigbo will sit at Shagamu, with four members selected from the above, in rotation. The latter will not hear appeals in respect of causes in which they have previously adjudicated.

35.The Ijebu Remo will have a Native Court, or Judicial Council with “B” Grade Powers and Appellate Jurisdiction, in respect of all civil and criminal causes or matters, arising from the Ijebu Remo Native Courts of first instance-appeals will lie from the Ijebu Remo Native Court of Appeal to the Magistrates’ Court or to the High Court, and the jurisdiction of the existing Ijebu (Ode) Native Appeal Court or Judicial Council will be limited to the Ijebu Ode territory. The Jurisdiction of the existing Ijebu Remo Land Appeal Court will be merged in that of the proposed Ijebu (Ode) Native Appeal Court or Judicial Council, which, in respect, of the Ijebu Remo territory will be granted the powers and jurisdiction hitherto exercised by the Ijebu (Ode) Judicial Council.

The opinion is expressed that Ijebu Remo should be granted a separate Native Administration Treasury, with control by the proposed Ijebu (Remo) Native Authority over the expenditure of all Native Administration revenues, derived from or accruing in the Ijebu Remo area, subject, however, to the exercise of such degree of advice and guidance by the Resident of the Ijebu Province, as may be requisite.

36. In this regard, however, it is advocated, that for the future there should be no payment of funds derived from or accruing in the Ijebu Remo Area, to the Ijebu (Ode) Native Administration Treasury, other than a voluntary contribution to the stipend of the Awujale of Ijebu Ode.

37.The amount of the voluntary contribution to the stipend of the Awujale referred to in the preceding paragraph, should be reconsidered yearly by the Ijebu Remo Native Authority and in this one instance, it is suggested that the Resident’s control should not be imposed, except to secure that the annual contribution be’ not unreasonably large. A limit of £500 per annum is suggested.

38. The procedure, indicated above, has been devised to avoid a traverse of the principle of adherence to the terms of the Agreement in reference and yet to afford opportunity for the expression of the recognition of the Awujale indicated at paragraph 26 above.
39. It is submitted that the Ijebu Remo Unit should be designated the Ijebu (Remo) Native Administration, that its boundaries and area should coincide with the existing Ijebu Remo boundaries and area as now accepted for purposes of direct taxation, and that its temporal independence as a separate Native Administration, with the Akarigbo as its Head and Headquarters at Shagamu, should be qualified, only by the will of its own Council to contribute to the stipend of the Awujale and the proposed institution of the Joint Ijebu Native Authority, to which reference is made at paragraphs 31-33 inclusive, above.
40. The necessity for additional, economy, consequent upon financial independence, will require the close consideration of the proposed Ijebu Remo Council or Native Authority.
41. In this regard, the submission of the Akarigbo that the work of road and building maintenance in the Ijebu Remo Area, at the present effected by the Public Works Department” should be put out to contract, might receive a trial.
42. The expenditure in respect of the Ijebu (Remo) Area road system, which consists of forty-five miles of road, and in respect of the maintenance of its buildings, for the past five years, is shown hereunder and will, if continued constitute a heavy drain on the resources of the community.

1932-33                                   £884             £69

1933-34                                   £720             £183

1934-35                                   £733             £54

1935-36                                   £1,022         £90

1936-37                                   £1,224         £212

43.The salaries of the Ijebu Remo Chiefs by comparison with those of Ijebu Ode, would appear to require re-adjustment; in particular that of the Akarigbo which was, with that of the Awujale, reduced at a period of financial depression (but was not restored thereafter, as was that of the latter); and those of the Alaiye -Ode of Ode and of the Alara of Ilara.

44. It is also considered that it would be equitable that the cost estimated at £9,500 of the proposed Shagamu and Iperu Water Supply Schemes, (both Shagamu and Iperu are situated within the Ijebu Remo District), should be defrayed from the accumulated funds of the existing Ijebu Native Administration Treasury, having regard to the large contributions which have been made by Ijebu Remo over the past twenty years, to that reserve.

45.In regard to the petition for the posting of a Administrative Officer to Shagamu, it is considered that one of the four Administrative Officers at Ijebu Ode, other than the Residents of the Province should, for the future, reside at Shagamu, and that the Ijebu Remo Area should be created a sub district of the Ijebu Province, for purpose of Provincial Administration.

46. If it be found that the duties are insufficient to keep him fully employed within the Ijebu Remo Area, the Administrative Officer concerned should not be precluded from employment elsewhere within the Province.
47. A residence and office will be required for the Administrative Officer, and quarters for his clerk and interpreter, the cost of which should be defrayed from the central funds of the Government.
48. In this regard, the Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo has agreed to donate a sufficient area of land in the vicinity of Shagamu for these sites, and also for the sites of the buildings referred to hereunder.

49.In addition to the residence, it is recommended that Native Administration offices, Treasury and Prison, be erected at Shagamu, the expenditure involved to be met, as to one moiety from the Ijebu Native Administration Reserve Funds and as to the other, from the revenue of the proposed Ijebu (Remo) Native Administration.

50. In regard to the provision of the Prison, the original objection, that of lack of supervision, will be overcome by the proposed posting of an Administrative officer to Shagamu. It is not, however, suggested that accommodation should be provided for the reception of prisoners serving sentences exceeding six months imprisonment. In view of the small number of persons sentenced to terms of imprisonment in the Ijebu Remo Area, little more than a large lock up will be required.
51. In favour of the Prison proposal, it is to be mentioned that the Ijebu Remo Native Courts are definitely adverse to committing prisoners to the Ijebu Ode Prison, and further that in March, 1923, the District Officer of Ijebu Ode, informed the Akarigbo that a prison would be erected in the following year.
52. As to the petition for the extension of the road system, further assurance was given that the work of constructing the Lagos-Shagamu road section would be instituted in 1922, but, as in the former case, this was not implemented.

53.The estimated cost of the Lagos-Shagamu road has been quoted at £68,400, but the Executive Engineer, Mr. A.G. Boorman, seconded from the Public Works Department to the Ijebu Native Administration, has, under consideration made an alternative route which may render it possible materially to reduce the anticipated expenditure.

54. The request for direct road communication between Shagamu and Ibadan is regarded as being a matter of secondary importance, whereas the former road, if constructed, would be of great value, and the advisability of the provision of the necessary funds by the Government is submitted for consideration.
55. There would appear to be no obligation incumbent upon, or necessity for, the Government to station a Medical Officer, or to supply a hospital, at Shagamu, and the same opinion is held regarding the request for the provision of telegraphic facilities. The petition of the Akarigbo of the 7th of June, 1922 refers.

56.It is recommended that the Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo should be granted the privilege of corresponding directly with the Resident of the Ijebu Province, and should not, for the future be required to address him through the Awujale of Ijebu Ode, and that the Akarigbo’s requests to be supplied with a copy of the Ijebu Remo Intelligence Report of March, 1935, should be complied with.

57. The objection of the Akarigbo of Ijebu Remo to the practice of the Awujale of Ijebu Ode of conferring or sanctioning the grant of crowns, coronets or titles on the inhabitants of Ijebu Remo, is considered to be valid.
58. If it be decided that it would be inadvisable entirely to prohibit the procedure in reference above, it should in the alternative suffice, if for the future the Awujale were to be permitted to send his messengers to attend installations, consecrations and the like, in such cases only where it is in definite accord with custom that he should do so, and then only at the request of the Ijebu Remo Council. Alternatively, the activities of the Akarigbo in the regard should be similarly limited.
59. Evidence was adduced, before the Commission of Inquiry that the village of Emuren, Of which the total population is less than 500 persons and which lies within the Ijebu Remo territory, concluded an Agreement with certain representatives of the Government in August, 1894, and that, thereafter, that Agreement was implemented by a Proclamation dated the 10th day of November, 1894. It was propounded that therefore, Emuren in so far as Treaty rights were concerned, was in the same position as Ijebu Remo.
60. It is evident that this contention is not without weight. In the circumstances, it is recommended that the villagers concerned should be invited to accept the abrogation of their Agreement, to which request it is believed that they will be willing to accede, and that, subject to their consent, the Emuren territory should be merged with that of ljebu Remo.

61.The complaint in regard to Forestry matter and the request for the posting of a Nigeria Police Detachment, at Shagamu set forth in the Akarigbo’s petition of the 7th of June, 1922 documents now arise.

62. It was not considered that the alternative plea of the petition referred to in the preceding paragraph, namely that for reincorporation within the Colony of Lagos, (should the grant of independence be refused), is now in Issue.
63. The only advantage in favour of rein- corporation in the Colony would be the reunion of Ikorodu with the Ijebu Remo territory, of which it once formed a part, while the objections thereto are numerous and not here required to be recited, by reason of the belief that the proposals detailed above, (if adopted), will satisfy all sections of the Ijebu Remo community, including a dissentient minority, (of Ijebu Remo), which opposed the separation.
64. In regard to this latter class, the opinion is held that the antagonism was crystallised by the mistaken fear that the Akarigbo might be appointed sole native Authority, without the safeguard and control of representative and constitutional advisers, and that the Awujale would be excluded from all contact with Ijebu Remo.

65.It is believed that the minority, (Remo), elements, in reference, will be satisfied by the formation of the Council’s proposed at paragraphs 28-33 inclusive.

66. It is not anticipated that the whole of the alterations indicated above, if adopted, will be entirely acceptable to the Awujale, Chiefs and people of the Ijebu Ode territory, but it is trusted that the contribution, by Ijebu Remo, to the stipend of the Awujale, and his appointment as president of the Joint Ijebu Ode, Ijebu Remo Council, will go far to dispose the people of Ijebu Ode to an acceptance of the situation.

67.The institution of subordinate Native Authorities, and Judicial Councils, the appointment of Native Court Clerks, Native Administration Personnel and the like, within the Ijebu Remo territory, has not been touched upon, in the view that such matters do not lie within the scope of this Inquiry.

Lagos.

M.H.

MARTINDALE

Commissioner,

20th December – 1937

Picture Credit: African Museum

Africa: A Product That Needs Rebranding

By Adedara Oduguwa Ph.D Africa slide

A Role Model Is All You Need

Role model by Adedara Oduguwa Ph.D

Africa: A Product That Needs Rebranding

TEXT OF A SPEECH DELIVERED BY  ADEDARA S. ODUGUWA Ph.D, AT THE AFRICA YOUTH LEADERSHIP AND ECONOMIC SUMMIT 2019, SATURDAY 4^TH OF MAY, 2019

“Image is how others see us. Identity is how we see ourselves. A continents image and identity (or brand) is determined by both! Africa’s current image is negative. This affects Africa’s identities, tourism, business, trade, diplomacy, and media coverage about Africa.”_Rebranding Africa, 2019

Let me first of all; thank the conveners and organizer of this historic summit- Mr. Success Bright Ibeh, for the rare privilege bestowed on me as active participant in this memorable public outing. The criterion for chosen me was quite not known. Nonetheless, I salute you for your bravery, courage and determination for making history in this perilous time when majority of young people across the globe are thinking otherwise.

Today, I have been asked to perform a teacher’s duty, by elaborating the topic ‘rebranding Africa’ in such fashion that Africans will understand the work at hand, which is ‘putting up a positive image of Africa’.

To start with the variables, what is a product? What is branding and rebranding?

Product is any item offered for sale (The Economic Times, 2019). Similarly, a product is an object or system made available for consumer use; it is anything that can be offered to a market to satisfy the desire or need of a customer (Kotler, Armstrong, Brown, and Adams, 2006). A product can be classified as tangible or intangible. A tangible product is a physical object that can be perceived by touch such as a building, vehicle, gadget, or clothing. An intangible product is one that can only be perceived indirectly such as an insurance policy or services. While a brand is an overall experience of a customer that distinguishes an organization or product from its rivals in the eyes of the customer (American Marketing Association Dictionary, 2011). Brands are used in business, marketing, and advertising.

In contrast, Branding is a set of marketing and communication methods that help to distinguish a company or products from competitors, aiming to create a lasting impression in the minds of customer. The key components that form a brand’s tool include a brand’s identity, brand communication (such as logos and trademarks), brand awareness, brand loyalty, and various branding (brand management) strategies (Ghodeswar, 2008). While rebranding is an offshoot of branding, necessary because of the failure of a brand. It is a marketing strategy in which  a new name, term, symbol, design, or combination thereof is created for an established brand with the intention of developing a new, differentiated identity in the minds of consumers, investors, competitors, and other stakeholders (Moore, Karl; Reid, Susan, 2008).

However, in this paper, brand and product would be used interchangeably.

Africa is the home of about 1.3billion people, 16.64% of world’s population (worldometers, 2019), 54 countries (World Bank, 2019), 3000 tribes (Suberu, 2001) and world’s highest percentage (41 %) of a population under 15 years old (World Population Review, 2019). Specifically, 30 of the 54 African countries have demography of between 57 and 49 percents under 18years old. This is huge, 226 million young people in total and by 2045, this would be doubled (UNDP, 2015). Further, Africa alone has 40percent of the world young population. With this index in mind, Africa is potentially the world’s hub of productive people (human capital), which means the continent’s economy will continue to develop rapidly into the nearest future without delays. In contrast, the opposite is the reality in Europe, Asia, America, Oceania and Australia. The world is getting older and Africa is getting younger.

Everyone will agree with me that Africa is blessed with great potentials. But then, is potential all that is needed to succeed? I really don’t think so. If Africa had succeeded there would not be need for us to rejig this topic ‘Rebranding Africa’. Africa is a brand and a product. We are today talking about rebranding because the brand is doing fairly badly in the committee of nations and rebranding is necessary in other to eliminate negative image, lost market share/pedigree, emergent situation and staying relevant (Zacks, 2013).

We should know that Americans, Asians, Europeans or anyone for that matter cannot develop Africa than Africans. Africa as a product has not performed woefully when compared to the rest of the world. In fact, there are several areas that Africa has remains exemplary and without Africa, one could reasonably say there is no hope for the Americans, Asians and the rest of the world. Why?

1. Africa is the world’s warehouse of natural or material resources.
2. Africa is the world’s human capital hub.
3. Africa is home to 40% world’s young population (urgent need for investment in the youth).
4. Africa is the home of morality-marriage, respect etc.
5. Africa is a private consumer world’s produced goods.
6. Africa is business friendly; the world’s only known source of lowest labour and material costs.

Sadly, with the aforementioned leading grounds, Africa is vulnerably the only continent in the world where:

1. A continent where leaders are grossly incompetent, governed by inferiority complex and greed?
2. A continent where everyone is illiterate and living in penury?
3. A continent where economic and political actors need foreign interference to make decisions?
4. A continent where institutional complementaries cannot perform without brown envelopes?
5. A continent where the youth depend on a miracle to secure job?
6. A continent where media only report negativities?

Beyond the rhetorics, what message is Africa sending to the rest of the world?

Many of us are committed in the business of sending negative images about brand Africa on social media. We write how we have suffered in the hands of Agencies of government, the electricity providers, and our politicians, in a bid to make rest of the world to sympathize with us. That is not what we need now, Africa needs to be repackaged. Africa has long been perceived as a continent with huge potential, and in recent years significant progress in realizing this potential has been observed.

Rebranding Africa means:

1. Press (print and online media), virtual portraying Africa as a place to be.
2. African citizens: Social Media users sending good news messages about Africa to the rest of the world on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, SnapChat among others.
3. Telling African stories through tourism; today we talk about African Drums Festival in Ogun State, Calabar Festival in Cross River, and the Sun City among others.
4. African governments should make laws against negative images on the media.
5. Institutional Complementaries; musicians, artists, writers, novelists and clergies should henceforth engage in positive energy about areas Africa is performing better than the rest of the world.

We should all market the product Africa in a way that anyone for that matter would be interested in making a purchase. Africans cannot be painted as a dungeon where only Boko Haram kill people in Borno, terrorists kill people in Libya, and Herdsmen kill in Plateau, Cameroon, Chad and Niger.

Further, in the words of my Sudanese mentor, Dr. Mo Ibrahim, Founder, Mo Ibrahim Foundation for Good Governance in Africa, I quote:
“Africa is a continent of young people our demography is completely different from the rest of the world. Within three generations, 41 per cent of the world’s youth will be Africans. By 2030, Africa’s labour force will be larger than China’s by 2035 it will be larger than India’s. This is a wonderful resource for our continent if this resource is skilled and employed. I hope we do better with our abundant human resource, and avoid a potential curse.”

Nevertheless, we should make a concerted effort in marketing Africa to tourists, corporate and individual investors. Rebranding Africa now becomes the art of aligning what we want people to think about Africa with what people actually think of Africa. Africa is what Africans think of it, a paradise or a dungeon? It is what we call ourselves; the rest of the world will call us.

I am Adedara Oduguwa, a proud African man from Sagamu Remo, Ogun State, Nigeria.

God bless the black race!

God bless Africa!

God bless the world.